WTF, Germany?!
Chained to Contrition: How Germany’s Democracy Devours Its Own to Appease Globalist Gods
Modern Germany has long borne the weight of a—by now—unnecessary guilt complex, meticulously cultivated since the ashes of the Third Reich. From the schoolroom to the public square, Germans are steeped in a doctrine that commands eternal vigilance against the specter of a “resurgent Nazi regime”.
This noble intent, however, has been twisted into a mechanism of control, blinding a people to the machinations of a globalist order that wields the label “Nazi” as a cudgel against any who dare dissent or express pride in nation or heritage. In this warped paradigm, patriotism becomes synonymous with extremism, and every nation’s skeptic risks being branded a fascist by the puppet masters of a new, borderless authoritarianism.
If you appreciate my articles, please consider giving them a like. It's a simple gesture that doesn't cost you anything, but it goes a long way in promoting this post, combating censorship, and fighting the issues that you are apparently not a big fan of.
Each May 8th, the world gathers to mark the capitulation of Nazi Germany, a ritual that cloaks itself in solemnity but too often erupts into a grotesque carnival of self-righteousness. Nowhere is this more nauseating than in Britain, where the commemoration of Victory in Europe Day swells into a spectacle of chest-thumping triumphalism, as if the British alone bore the torch of righteousness.
The hypocrisy is staggering. This is a nation that, through its imperial machinations and diplomatic brinkmanship, played no small role in igniting the tinderbox of both world wars—first through the entangling alliances of the early 20th century and later through policies that stoked the flames of global conflict. Yet, while Britain polishes its halo, Germans shuffle through their streets, heads bowed, as though their very existence were a stain on history’s ledger. Eighty years have elapsed since the guns fell silent, and it is long past time to end this charade: the sanctimonious victory parades and the enforced walk of shame inflicted upon a nation and its people. Enough.
The events that transpired in Germany last week—a fleeting designation of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) as a right-wing extremist entity, followed by a hasty retraction—are the bitter fruit of a humiliation ritual imposed by the victorious powers of both world wars for over a century.
This is the grotesque manifestation of a deeper, orchestrated effort to keep Germany in a state of perpetual contrition. Historically, the Allied nations have woven a narrative that casts Germany as the eternal malefactor, its people forever tethered to the sins of the past. This psychological subjugation, sustained through annual commemorations like the garish May 8th spectacles, ensures that any flicker of German pride, the protection of the homeland—or its own people and culture—is swiftly branded as a prelude to tyranny.
Before rushing to judgment or commentary, one must first understand the origins of this moment. The World War victors have spun a relentless indoctrination tale, pinning Germany under a microscope fixed on its darkest moment. This narrative seeps into every corner of German life—schools, news, documentaries, even movies—churning out endless self-flagellating spectacles that scream, “Germany was awful, and it’s STILL awful!” No other nation has been forced to produce such a barrage of masochistic garbage media to shame its own past under the guise of “education”.
This is the victors’ true triumph, a calculated campaign kicked off when Britain first flinched at German brilliance in the late 19th century. It’s not moral oversight—it’s a deliberate soul-crushing ritual to keep a nation’s spirit in chains.
Last week’s vacillation over the AfD’s status reveals the paranoia this engenders: a state so haunted by its history that it lashes out at shadows, mistaking patriotism for peril. To understand this bizarre episode, one must first recognize the century-long indoctrination and today’s political structures that keeps Germans bowed, a campaign rooted not in necessity but in the victors’ need to maintain their own myth of untainted virtue.
In Germany, political parties thrive not on grassroots contributions but on the largesse of state subsidies, a system that entrenches a self-serving elite. This cartel of established parties, cloaked in the rhetoric of democracy, guards its dominion fiercely, wary of any newcomer threatening its monopoly on power.
The AfD, with its unapologetic nationalism, represents precisely such a threat—a lightning rod for a nation conditioned to equate pride with peril. The decision to label it extremist was not political; it was an act of psychological warfare, exploiting Germany’s collective trauma to justify exclusion.
This party must have its state funds ripped away, they scream. Germany’s ruling parties, fattened on taxpayer cash, don’t survive on the scraps their members or donors toss in. This smug, incestuous clique guards the public purse, desperate to block any rival from the trough. It’s a blatant cartel of state-backed parties, rigging the game to stay on top.
The farce peaks with the “report” kept secret. The targeted party gets no details of its alleged crimes, just a pathetic one-page press statement. They’re to be sidelined, cut from their rightful role in democracy, on the strength of a three-line pretext. A Verfassungsschutz spokesperson (of all people) hides behind “data protection” to dodge further answers—and even that evasion is supposedly unshareable.
Savor the absurdity: a decision gutting democratic process is smothered under “data protection” drivel, and Germans are gagged from discussing it because labeling something “Nazi” is enough to have everyone nod along nicely, because “we don’t want history to repeat itself.” Newsflash, German sheep: It’s been repeating itself already, and you are not the good guys.
A relieved bleating echoes across the nation’s green meadows, a tidal surge of righteous indignation. At long last, the domestic intelligence agency has bared its teeth, sinking them into the flank of the that “terrible Nazi party”. Germany, they are told, stands as a bastion of democracy—yet one where the state’s watchful eye hounds a political party with unrelenting zeal.
Consider, for instance, the pronouncements of Bavaria’s peripatetic minister-president, whose misadventures span a calamitous jaunt to India and cringe-inducing Instagram selfies live from the papal burial ceremony—the only thing missing was a selfie with the corpse.
Between these escapades, he deigns to opine: “This is a final clarion call. The AfD is unequivocally far-right. Let it be clear: there can be no tolerance, no collaboration with enemies of democracy. The firewall remains impregnable. Our course is steadfast—neither demonization nor relativization. We shall confront the AfD with substantive critique and expose its hollow core through exemplary governance.”
Exemplary governance? One searches in vain for evidence of such a feat. Where, pray tell, has this paragon of leadership distinguished himself, save in snapshots clutching a Big Mac, sauce dribbling ignominiously down his chin?
The crusade against the AfD, it seems, is a matter of urgent necessity. At the next Bundestag election, projections suggest the party will command over 25 percent of the vote, doubling its share despite the quixotic ambitions of rival Friedrich Merz to cleave it in half.
Already, the AfD boasts the second-largest parliamentary faction, dwarfing the Social Democrats (SPD). Yet, in a twist of institutional pettiness, it is denied commensurate office space. Its lawmakers are consigned to cramped quarters, squeezed shoulder-to-shoulder, while the SPD sprawls luxuriantly in a cavernous chamber fit for a cinema. The rationale, delivered with a flourish by the newly minted Bundestag president, is as audacious as it is lauded by a fawning press: the ruling party’s sessions, you see, are graced by a parade of government officials and bureaucrats, necessitating such palatial accommodations.
The Bundestag, conceived as a sentinel to scrutinize the government, now appears complicit in its glorification. The ruling party, fortified by an entourage of state officials, claims the choicest resources, while the opposition—charged with the vital task of holding power to account—is consigned to a shadowy annex.
One is tempted to ask: why halt at such half-measures? Why not plunge the opposition’s quarters into stifling darkness, snuff out the lights, or seal the windows shut? For if an opposition party were to execute its mandate with vigor, it might illuminate the murky corners of governance—an outcome, it seems, the state’s loyal acolytes are determined to forestall.
This is the visage of German parliamentarism, a spectacle so brittle it now cowers behind a fortified moat, shielding itself from the public’s gaze. Without such ramparts, it might crumble under the weight of scornful laughter, a chorus of derision aimed at its hollow posturing.
In theory, an opposition party enjoys enshrined privileges: seats on committees, the possibility of chairing them, and a place in the Bundestag’s presiding body. Yet, these rights are systematically withheld. The Alternative für Deutschland is excluded from full committee membership, barred from leadership roles, and locked out of the parliamentary presidency. Such measures, we are assured, are impeccably lawful—though a glance at the governing statutes might suggest otherwise.
But democracy in Germany, we are told, is a treasure so delicate it must be sequestered, lest its principles be wielded by those bold enough to claim them. Even the ceremonial half-hour of the parliamentary opening is snatched away, as the venerable tradition of the senior president is abruptly cast aside. Thus, the Bundestag lies bound to the unyielding rock of governmental fiat, a modern Prometheus ensnared in mythic torment. (One can already envision the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, in concert with parliamentary researchers, scrambling to unmask the “disinformation” of this Prometheus—perhaps a clandestine alias for some Kremlin agent—or maybe even JD Vance himself!)
In the ancient tale, Zeus condemned Prometheus for bestowing fire upon humanity, chaining him to a crag where an eagle perpetually tore at his regenerating liver, an eternal cycle of agony. So too does this parliament fetter the opposition, stripping it of democratic prerogatives—a grim truth cloaked in metaphor, though metaphors themselves are now branded as suspect, Eastern European fabrications.
One might be tempted to linger on this brazen display of institutional absurdity, to wield satire as a scalpel. Yet, to do so risks softening the gravity of the offense. Within the sterile pages of the domestic intelligence agency’s “assessment,” a profound question of political principle is summarily dispatched, without ever being posed or subjected to the crucible of a vote.
The agency decrees that any who dare link the notion of a “German people” to a historically rooted culture are enemies of the constitution. The very idea of a German people is anathema, erased by the transformative tide of millions of newcomers—a reality that, too, must remain unspoken, lest it disturb the state’s meticulously curated narrative.
It is an undeniable truth that the German people have emerged from a tapestry of diverse origins, a dynamic entity that will continue to evolve—yet it remains distinct, somehow, from the civic identities of, say, the American, French, or Somali nations, or those of the Kurdish or Turkish peoples. Every nation’s heritage is exalted, yet the mere invocation of a German identity teeters perilously close to a criminal offense.
Minority rights are proudly upheld for Sorbs and Danes, their ethno-cultural identities celebrated with fervor. But to speak of “the German people” is to court condemnation as an assault on the constitution. Those who dare reference a historically rooted nation are branded extremists and hounded accordingly.
The agency’s case against the Alternative für Deutschland is as audacious as it is alarming: to speak of a historical people is to be an extremist. Here, the absurd tips into the menacing. This connection—between a people and their shared heritage—must be silenced, for it threatens the notion that Germany is, or ought to become, a mere Islamic settlement zone, where anyone crossing its borders instantly claims the same rights as those long rooted in its soil.
As former Chancellor Angela Merkel once framed it, with chilling detachment: “Those who have lived here longer.” For the SPD-aligned Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, failure to adopt the euphemism of “newly arrived” is enough to arouse suspicions of Nazi sympathies. At the CDU’s Mecklenburg-Vorpommern state party conference in February 2017, Merkel delivered the defining axiom: “The people are everyone who lives in this country.”
This dictum is now wielded as a cudgel against any who dissent—journalists, scholars, and, most prominently, the AfD. Such a stance, however, stands in stark defiance of the German Basic Law, as meticulously cataloged by Josef Kraus. The term “people” appears twelve times in the constitution, and in compound forms thirty-two times; “the German people” is invoked seven times. Articles 56 and 64 mandate that the Federal President, Chancellor, and ministers swear an oath upon taking office: “I swear that I will dedicate my efforts to the well-being of the GERMAN people, promote their welfare, protect them from harm, uphold and defend the Basic Law and the laws of the Federation, perform my duties conscientiously, and do justice to all.” Article 20, paragraph 2, sentence 1 declares: “All state authority emanates from the people.” Not from parties, nor from a nebulous “population.” The people are the sovereign, not a “civil society” propped up by state-funded NGOs, sustained like courtiers by governmental largesse.
The domestic intelligence agency’s report on the AfD is steeped in Merkel’s hollowed-out conception of the people. Until 2003, German law defined “German national belonging” with clarity: a German national, per Section 6 of the Federal Expellees Act, was one who “has declared allegiance to German nationhood, provided this allegiance is confirmed by characteristics such as descent, language, upbringing, or culture. This allegiance presupposes a conscious and deliberate commitment to being German and belonging to no other nation. Such commitment must be demonstrably expressed in a manner perceptible to others. A mere affinity for Germany does not suffice to establish allegiance to German nationhood.”
This rigorous standard has been supplanted by a doctrine that erases the very notion of a distinct German identity, rendering it a taboo to be policed with zeal. The intelligence agency’s pursuit of the AfD reveals not just a policy but a profound betrayal of the constitutional principles it claims to defend, cloaking its overreach in the guise of safeguarding democracy.
Until its repeal in 2003, millions of refugees, expellees, ethnic Germans, and late resettlers were granted German citizenship under a framework that recognized their ties to the nation. The language of that era may now seem dated, but is it truly “anti-constitutional” to speak of a German people? And if the concept of “national belonging” has been erased, it has, in practice, been expanded to encompass anyone who crosses the border—captured in Angela Merkel’s dismissive vernacular: “Now they’re just here.” This flippant phrase belies a seismic upheaval that has swept over the nation, redefining its very essence.
Merkel, alongside her erstwhile protégés pursue a vision where Germany exists under the mantra of “no border, no nation.” Envisioned as a settlement zone administered by Brussels’ EU mandarins and their outposts in Berlin, the Bundestag is reduced to a quaint, folkloric relic. The people who elected these leaders are no longer desired; in their place, a nebulous, rootless collective is to emerge, stripped of history or tradition. Such a demand may be made, audacious though it is.
What is intolerable, however, is the emerging orthodoxy that brands any dissent as treason against the constitution. Under the guise of defending democracy, democracy itself is dismantled. The no-border ideology is enshrined as sacrosanct, its tenets declared universally binding. And many acquiesce. Georg Restle, a German state television apparatchik, demands the AfD’s total exclusion from public broadcasting—not merely from talk shows, as has been the practice, but from news coverage altogether.
At the margins, the red-green informant stands vigilant, ready to denounce drivers who, last summer in Magdeburg, played the song “L’Amour Toujours” with its newly appended lyric, “Germany for the Germans,” or—perish the thought—sang along. These singers were detained, searched, and slapped with charges of “incitement.”
The young revelers who belted out the same tune at Sylt’s Pony Bar were hounded by a frenzied media mob and politicians, their reputations shredded and livelihoods imperiled—only to be acquitted recently. A court ruled that such expressions, however distasteful, are protected by free speech. The news of this verdict, if reported at all, was delivered with pursed lips and in the smallest print, an inconvenient truth ill-suited to the prevailing media narrative.
Even the major churches, tethered to the state as their tax collector, parrot the prescribed dogma, while discourse is confined to echo chambers of the like-minded. The bubble’s insulation is absolute, a hermetic seal against any challenge to the state’s decreed vision.
The German people—a concept deemed inadmissible by the reigning orthodoxy—now march in lockstep to the cadence of a new red-green ideology, one that has seamlessly subsumed the so-described “conservative party” CDU/CSU. Dissenters are swiftly branded enemies of the constitution. The basest instincts are recast as parliamentary virtues: denunciations hurled from the sidelines, the hounding of those who dare think differently, the suppression of opposition through procedural sleights of hand, and the partisan weaponization of the judiciary—though, to their credit, some courageous judges still resist attempts to twist the law’s intent. In this spectacle, the state undermines its own legitimacy, its representatives blissfully unaware of their own absurdity.
This concerns all who still cherish the rule of law and democracy, who seek to defend the state as it was originally conceived. Can such a course succeed? Recent Interior Minister Nancy Faeser may have bequeathed a toxic legacy. The methods of the domestic intelligence agency, under her ministry’s aegis, have been laid bare, as has the rationale for its pursuit of the Alternative für Deutschland: the foreign is exalted, while the native, the organically evolved, the amalgamation of diverse roots, is commanded to submit unconditionally to every newcomer.
The “no border, no nation” ideology is to be rammed through as the state’s guiding principle. Integration, once a goal, is abandoned. Karin Prien, slated to become “minister for society,” declares: “The great art will be to reconcile the diverse cultures present in kindergartens and schools.” Diverse culture here means: 60% Arabian by now. It is the irreconcilable Germans who must be reconciled. Integration is a relic of the past; today, the aim is the disintegration of the German people, with German culture and history relegated to mere footnotes.
Germany, a nation twice forged anew from the smoldering ruins of global wars, stands as a testament to human resilience and ingenuity. After the cataclysm of 1918, it clawed its way back to stability, only to be shattered again in 1945. Yet, from those ashes, it built a society that became the envy of the world—a beacon of economic prowess, cultural richness, and once democratic vitality. This is a people that has earned the right to stand tall, to cherish its heritage without shame, to safeguard the home it has so painstakingly crafted—and simply the right to exist.
But now, this nation finds itself besieged, not by armies, but by a sinister tide of criminality and assaults on the minds of its people. A chaos that threatens to unravel its hard-won peace, in a world of shadow powers that keeps targeting the destruction of what Hitler glorified to bizarre extremes: the German people, their soul and spirit. Germany’s once beautiful streets are scarred by violence—murders, rapes, and humiliations inflicted upon its people, while the architects of this disorder demand submission under the guise of compassion.
The indignity heaped upon Germany is not merely a betrayal of its past but an affront to its very soul. The nation that rebuilt itself with sweat and resolve does not deserve to be overrun by criminals, its citizens reduced to prey in their own homeland. The insidious creed of “no border, no nation” seeks to erase the very identity that binds Germans together, replacing it with a hollow, rootless void.
Yet, in this moment of peril, a spark of defiance flickers. Let it ignite a blaze—a resolute stand against those who would see Germany’s legacy trampled. For this is a nation that has proven its mettle, not once but twice, and it will not kneel before those who plunder its streets or silence its voice. Germany, rise once more, not in fascist megalomania but in rightful pride, and reclaim the sanctuary you have so fiercely earned.
How you can support my writing:
Restack, like and share this post via email, text, and social media
Thank you; your support keeps me writing and helps me pay the bills. 🧡
Globalists always find a way to hold onto the power even when a majority of people oppose them. I figured after the Covid Psyop, most people would stop voting for them, but too many people have short-term memories.
Well said Lilly. The globalists are a great deal worse than the Nazis. At least the Nazis were working for the betterment of Germany, as they saw it.